4 THE DUTCH BILL
4.1 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE BILL
The private member's bill concerning the conscientious objections against the military destination of tax money is introduced in the Second Chamber of the Staten-Generaal, the Dutch parliament by the MP's Beckers-de Bruijn of Groenlinks (GreenLeft Party) and De Visser of the P.v.d.A. (Labour Party). When both had quitted the parliament MP Willems took over the duty to push this bill forward.
The idea to introduce in parliament the Conscientious Objections to the Military Destination of Tax Money Bill, in this shape, has grown in a small group of representatives of some denominations in the Dutch Council of Churches.
The members of this group came from the Basisbeweging van kritische gemeenten (Basis movement of critical parishes), the Doopsgezinde Broederschap (the Mennonites), the Nederlandse Protestanten Bond (the Dutch association of protestants), the Remonstrantse Broederschap (The Remonstrants) and the Quakers. They made up an initiative group à titre personnel and did draft a proposal for a bill with explanatory note1. The initiative group offered the proposal to the MP's Beckers-de Bruijn and De Visser, who were willing to introduce it in parliament.
In some of the aforesaid denominations conscientious objections against participation in war and preparation of war is a normal and durable phenomenon. Also the military destination of tax money is reckoned among these objections.
Remembering Peter Walpot (1518-1578)2 in the history of the Mennonites and related religious groups. Walpot stated that when somebody did not want to be an incendiary himself, but paid someone else to do that, that (paying) person was rightly punished for the crime, and he stated that in the same way God would punish somebody who is not waging war himself, but who makes other people wage war, who pays and supports them, that it is both the same and that God treats this equally.
Among the Quakers a tradition of conscientious objection to the military destination of tax money already exists for more than two centuries. The Peace Testimony of this denomination is to the effect that every support to war and preparation for war is wrong3.
In the first half of the 18th century in the British colony of Pennsylvania, then under Quaker rule, people realised that it was morally as unjust to participate actively in war and war preparation as to pay for it4. What you have done by another, has to be considered as done by yourself.
It was a strange situation. The majority of the members of the legislative power, the Assembly of Pennsylvania, were pacifist Quakers. Therefore the colony did not have an army and fortifications. The population trusted more in working for a fair and honest relationship with their neighbours, such as the native population.
The colony was ultimately under British sovereignty. The British King or Queen was always short of money because of the waging of wars and the colony was asked many times to contribute to these wars.
Moreover in the colony there was a growing nonpacifist part of the population of Pennsylvania which wanted military defence against the natives.
The compromise solution that was found was that a specific war tax would not be introduced, but that it was allowed to give a certain amount to the Crown, although it was clear for everybody that part of this amount would be used for military purposes. The contribution was called 'money for the King's (or Queen's) use'. This required amount was collected by means of taxation.
It will be of no surprise that this compromise solution caused uneasiness among a significant part of the Quaker population, because it was considered contrary to the principles of the Peace Testimony. The result of this discussion was that refusal to pay war tax was accepted among the Quakers.
In 1776 the highest denominational authority of the Quakers in Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, declared that taxes levied for the purchase of war material and for other warlike purposes could not be paid in conformity with the Peace Testimony5.
Also in other American colonies there was the same feeling.
In 1778 the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting stated that there has been developed among groups of Quakers a religious objection to the payment of taxes levied for the costs of the then waged war (the American Revolution): "they being deeply concerned and engaged faith-fully to maintain our Christian testimony against joining with or supporting the spirit of wars and fightings, which hath remarkedly tended to unite us in a deep sympathy with the seed of life in their hearts"6.
Also elsewhere in the 'Quaker world' war tax refusal became a phenomenon, a phenomenon that was considered totally in conformity with the already in the 17th century by the Quakers adopted Peace Testimony.
In 1796 two members of the British section, London Yearly Meeting, had been disciplined, because they had paid a war tax, namely the tax in virtue of the Navy Act 1795. The monthly meetings had to take the delinquents under their care7.
About the payment of specific war tax, there has been since the 18th century no more discussion, because paying such a tax was clearly against the Peace Testimony.
But problems continued to arise with taxes which were only partly destined for war and war preparation. Where were the limits of what was exactly permitted? This problem became more complicated, because taxes had a more mixed character since the 18th century. The reaction to this of a Quaker during the American Civil War was to refuse a percentage of the mixed taxes. His solution was to deduct 8 1/2 % from his total tax bill, 'which was the part expressly named in the tax list as for the war'8.
During the last two centuries the refusal of paying taxes destined for war and war preparation has been a constant phenomenon, especially in times of war, but also in time of peace.
Remembering the school reformer Kees Boeke and his wife Beatrice Cadbury in the Netherlands shortly after World War I9.
After World War II we see tax refusal with regard to military purposes again in the 'Vietnam'-era, both in the secular and the religious peace movement. The refusal of taxes with regard to military purposes was extended during the years 1978 to 1989 in the action for nuclear disarmament.
The European Christian Churches declared in 1989 in Basel that war is against the will of God and that everything has to be done to abolish war10.
In 1990, a year after the introduction of the bill in Dutch parliament the Churches declared in a world conference in Seoul, South Korea, that they will resist doctrines and systems of security based on the use of and the threat with means of mass destruction and that they will work for the abolition of war as a legitimate means of conflict resolution. In connection with this they suggested that a right of conscientious objections against military service and taxation and alternative forms of service and tax-paying for peace have to be created11.
So far the historical background of the bill. It did not drop from the skies and there is some explanation given for the fact that Church people promoted the bill.
But there is another background, a more legal background of this bill, based on the fact that in the Netherlands of old some legal and other provisions have been made in the domain of conscientious objections.
In Dutch constitutional history it is worth mentioning Section XIII of the Union of Utrecht, in fact the old Constitution of the Republic of the United Dutch Provinces, d.d. 1579, which states that every person, as such, has an unassailable private domain, guaranteed by the freedom of conscience.
In the present day Constitution the freedom of conscience is not mentioned, but not because freedom of conscience does not exist in the Netherlands anymore, but because mentioning it explicitly would mean also the adoption of a lot of restriction grounds12.
The freedom of religion is mentioned in article 6 of the Constitution13. The freedom of conscience is regulated in a large number of legal regulations, in which a special provision is made for conscientious objectors of all kinds.
I will mention some of such regulations here.
a.The Compulsory Education Act14.
Compulsory education of children can of course be a violation of the freedom of conscience of the parents with regard to their right to educate their children according to their moral views. This especially if the given education in school differs very much from what the parents consider morally just.
The Compulsory Education Act has therefore a provision which gives parents an exemption of their obligation to send their children to school when the parents declare to have preponderant objections against the nature of the education in the schools which are situated within a reasonable distance of their house.
b.The Disabled Persons Act 1913 and the later Social Insurances Acts.15
The first mentioned act prescribed for some employees a compulsory insurance against the loss of income because of disability.
The last mentioned acts are with regard to the whole range of social security acts with respect to illness, widow's pension, retirement pension etc. etc.
A number of persons have serious objections against such obligatory insurances, because they believe that one has to trust God totally which implicates for them that it is not allowed to be insured. God is the ruler of their fate and not they themselves or any social security fund.
Because according to some of these acts the employer is obliged to withhold the premium of the social insurance from the employee's salary, the exemption was also made for him.
The employee and/or the employer or any other obligatory insured person have to ask exemption and to declare that he has conscientious objections against every insurance and that he therefore has not effected an insurance with regard to his or others life and possessions.
Instead of the premium the conscientious objector has to pay a tax equal to the amount of the premium. In the past the employer had to pay 1,25 % of the amount of the premium.
According to the regulations in virtue of the Retirement Pensions Act a conscientious objector can get, when he is 65 years old or more, each month an amount of money equal to the amount of the retirement pension until he says that the payment has to be stopped.
c.The Contagious Diseases Act 192816
This act made vaccination against smallpox obligatory for teachers and pupils.
Exemption was given to a person who declared that his religion did not allow him to be vaccinated. In this domain we see also the Immunisation Military Personnel Act 195317.
d.The Compulsory Motor Vehicles Liability Insurance Act18
Section 18 of this act gives a provision of exemption for conscientious objectors. The Minister of Finance decides on the request. Also a corporation can get the exemption, when physical persons participating in such a corporation have conscientious objections.
The conscientious objector has to buy an exemption fee, which is deposited in a guarantee fund. The guarantee fund is necessary to pay the victims in the event of car accidents caused by a conscientious objector who obtained exemption of the compulsory insurance, but who has not enough money to pay all the damage. Such a regulation has to be distinguished from an insurance.
e.The Financing of Development of the Nuclear Energy Development Act19
This tax was called the Kalkar-levy. In 1974 a provision was made for conscientious objectors.
f.The Academic Statute20
In section 33 of this regulation for the universities an examination committee can give exemption on grounds of conscience from participation in some practical exercises, for example experiments on animals. The examination committee can order an alternative exercise.
g.The Act Regulating the Opening Times of Shops21
Also this act is worth mentioning. The shopkeeper who adheres to a Church which has its weekly day of rest on another day than sunday, or who declares to have a religious conviction which demands to have the weekly rest day on another day than sunday, will be allowed to have his shop opened on sundays, of course on condition that his shop is closed on the other mentioned day.
h.The Conscientious Objections to Military Service Act22
This act is the successor of the Military Service Refusal Act 192323. Already in 1917 there was a military order concerning the refusal to bear arms. Since 1978/1979 a person passed fit for military service or on active military duty may ask the Minister of Defence to be recognised as a conscientious objector when he has insuperable conscientious objections against the personal fulfilment of military service in connection with the use of means of violence with regard to which one can be involved by performing service in the Dutch military. The alternative civilian service is one third longer in duration than the military service. In August 1996 the last conscripts have carried out their duty.
i.The Civil Code, articles 1639s and 1639t24
Last but not least I will mention that the courts can restore somebody in his job when the dismissal of the employee was given only in connection with refusal of the employee to do his task on serious grounds of conscience.
Without reserve can be stated that in the Netherlands the legislator has made quite a lot of provisions to accommodate to all sorts of conscientious objections.
The character of the mentioned acts and regulations is different from the Peace Tax Bill, as far as those acts and regulations focuse on one certain levy, service, insurance etc.
On September 24 1993 the permanent committees for Defence and for Finance charged with the preparative inquiry of the bill made up their provisional report.
Because Mrs Beckers-de Bruijn had also left the Second Chamber MP Willems of her party (Groenlinks) took over the responsibility for the furthering of the bill.
When hereafter is spoken over 'introducer of the bill' sometimes mrs Beckers-de Bruijn is mentioned and sometimes MP Willems.
The provisional findings of the aforesaid committees were negative with regard to the bill.
The Christan Democrats (CDA)
The MP's of the Christian Democrat Party agree with the report of their part d.d. 1983 that there are no impediments on principle against the recognition of this kind of conscientious objection, but that there can be practical and organisational problems and that therefore further research has to be done into the practical implementation possibilities. This research has not been done yet.
These MP's would like to see quantified the increase of the work burden of the internal revenue service. They ask how many extra civil servants are necessary and how much that will cost. They also ask which tax procedures have to be changed and what the administrative consequences will be.
They ask what the relation is to the budget right, when the bill would bring extra costs.
The CDA-MP's oppose the creation of new destinations for the tax money which does not go to Defence.
They assume that a real increase of the taxes is not intended by the bill.
They remark that the conscientious objections, not the policy itself, but the participation of the person concerned to this policy, is the case.
They ask what the consequences of such a provision are for the State budget.
Because the introducer mentions that the budget right is recognised and the collective legal value involved has not to be endangered, the consequence cannot be that a lower amount will be spent for Defence than democratically decided.
They suggest that when the money is transferred to development cooperation there will be a substitution effect and they ask what the value of this provision then is. They ask whether the organisational costs are higher than the symbolic advantage.
The MP's of the CDA wondered why the payment to a Peace Fund will be felt as expression of objections, if other taxpayers have to pay their part.
In view of the international development since the introduction of the bill in 1989 the task of the Dutch armed forces has changed. The MP's of the CDA wish to know the opinion of the introducer about the tasks of Defence with regard to military and humanitarian aid. They would like to know the opinion of the introducer about the desirability of participating in such operations.
They would also like to know the opinion of the introducer about the relation between these tasks and the conscientious objections involved. The MP's of the CDA mention that the money of the Peace Fund will inter alia be used for development cooperation. The MP's concerned want to know of the introducer whether he is of the opinion that the Department of Defence is already involved very much in this domain.
They consider whether the bill may not be of interest anymore. They recall that the introducer mentions section 98 of the Constitution about the defence of the country and its citizens, but they point out that there are more relevant sections in the Constitution with respect to the armed forces such as section 90, the promotion of the international legal order.
Also the MP's of the CDA want to know what the introducer thinks about the opinion of the Council of State, namely that the creation of a provision in this domain is a precedent for conscientious objections against other tax destinations. They question whether the introducer realizes all the organisational effects of the provision.
The Social Democrats (P.v.d.A)
The MP's of the PvdA mentioned that they had so many principle and practical objections to the bill that they could not even consider supporting it. They were of the opinion that the bill was overtaken by the international developments of the last years and the new tasks for the armed forces.
They are of the opinion that the reorganisation of the Dutch armed forces necessitates the introducer to withdraw the bill.
In the view of the MP's of the PvdA the payment of a tax debt of an individual citizen and the indirect participation in the political allocation of the tax resources cannot be considered as a personal act against which a person can have a conscientious objection, as is the case in the existing legislation about conscientious objection.
Moreover the MP's of the PvdA consider the bill as a violation of the constitutional budget right of parliament. They are of the opinion that the explanatory memorandum does not give enough attention to the fact that the bill creates a precedent for conscientious objections against other tax destinations.
The Liberal Party (V.V.D.)
The MP's of the VVD remark that this bill complicates the tax legislation, whereas simplification is necessary and desirable.
They also remark that this bill can undermine the budget right of parliament. Giving the implicit choice to the citizen of paying part of his tax money to the Peace Fund means taking away this choice from the parliament.
The MP's of the VVD consider defence as a purely collective good. Taxpaying citizens cannot withdraw from financing that.
A comparison with the Conscientious Objections to Military Service Act is not justified in the view of these MP's. That Act deals with a substantial contribution to the military machine. The payment of tax money with respect to which an elected parliament gives a destination cannot be regarded as an active and substantial contribution in this sense, so far these MP's.
The MP's of the VVD fear the precedent effect of the creation of this provision, because there are numerous budget items which are considered objectionable by certain citizens.
These MP's wondered what the budgeting consequences of the bill would be. When tax resources are withdrawn from the free destination by the parliament and the Peace Fund will not, or not to the same amount, finance existing tasks, then the taxes have to be increased or some tasks have to be terminated.
They wish to know how much the costs will be of the Advisory Council and the secretariat. An extra fund with its own staff does not make the public expenditure clearer.
Also these MP's are concerned about the fact that this bill will increase the work burden of the internal revenue service.
Groenlinks, the Green Left Party.
Some members of the Green Left Party doubted the present interest in the bill and the practicability of the bill.
About the doubted present interest they remark that the end of the Cold War necessitates a change in policy towards the Dutch armed forces and this fact has also consequences with respect to the question of the conscientious objections against the military destination of tax money.
They are of the opinion that there is a one sided consideration of the function of the armed forces. The introducer mentions section 98 of the Constitution in which the interests of the State are central. These MP's mention section 90 of the Dutch Constitution concerning the promotion of the international legal order.
According to these MP's preventive peace keeping in the framework of the United Nations has become one of the most important purposes of the armed forces. Nonviolent conflict resolution is a part of their task, according to these MP's.
They ask the introducer to give his opinion about this. They also ask him whether he can point out that the establishment of the Peace Fund can cut across this specific point of the defence policy.
They ask the introducer whether he sees some similarities between the purposes of the Peace Fund and some tasks of the existing defence apparatus, and what his opinion is about the fact that the difference between Development Cooperation and defence becomes rather vague. What is his opinion about the statement of the Minister for Development Cooperation that without peace there will be no development. So far the MP's of the Green Left Party.
These MP's also wanted to know how much support there would be in society for such a legal provision. How many people have conscientious objections in this domain?
They could agree with the introducer that it is not his task to propose a general provision for conscientious objections against all kinds of other tax destinations.
The information given with regard to the fact that the bill will set a precedent is insufficient in the view of the MP's of the Green Left Party. All the more so as in reality there is also a military destination of part of the budget of Development Cooperation now.
Does the proposed provision also cover this part of the expenditure of Development Cooperation?
They also ask whether there is a risk that such a provision will be used for political purposes and not for reasons of conscience.
A number of the MP's of this Party asked about the increase of the work burden of the internal revenue service, how compatible this is with the strive to diminish the number of civil servants and whether the extra work burden for the internal revenue service counterbalances the advantages of such a provision.
The MP's of the Green Left Party ask in relation to the expected revenues for the Peace Fund whether there is any knowledge of how many financial resources are necessary for a minimal realisation of the purposes as mentioned in section 1 of the bill and not to forget the functioning of the Advisory Council.
Moreover these MP's wish to know how the establishment of such an Advisory Council relates to the proposals which are made by the Committee Questions Advisory Bodies as presented in February 1993.
The S.G.P., the Constitutional Reformed Party
The MP's of the SGP asked whether it is really true that the State has made provisions in a lot of domains. They are inclined to consider that the State is rather reserved in this matter.
The MP's of the SGP are of the opinion that the explanatory memorandum is insufficient because a fundamental consideration of the notion conscience and its judicial implications has not been given.
They asked the introducer whether he is in principle a supporter of unlimited freedom of conscience.
These MP's were of the opinion that the notion conscientious objection was not made clear enough. In the heading of the bill the notion 'insuperable conscientious objections' was used and in the bill itself only the notion 'conscientious objections'. They ask the introducer whether he is of the opinion that there are also conscientious objections which are not insuperable.
The MP's of the SGP are of the opinion that it is the question whether the objections against the military destination of tax money can be considered as conscientious objections and if this is the case, whether such an objection can be equalized with the objections already recognised by the authorities.
The MP's of the SGP are of the opinion that there is at least a gradual difference between a conscientious objection against military service and a conscientious objection against the payment of taxes to the general resources from which the defence is also paid. They consider a physical contribution a more radical interference in the private atmosphere than the payment of a contribution to the general resources also when the defence expenditure is financed from these resources.
Another question of these MP's was whether the bill gives a real accomodation. As consequence of the Dutch taxation system32 the accomodation can only be partial. The objector will continue to pay for military expenditure also in the future.
These MP's ask on which grounds the introducer came to the conclusion that in his provision accomodation was also given to those who consider an exclusively symbolic expressive meaning of the exemption to be insufficient.
These MP's cannot understand why a conscientious objection against the military destination of tax money would be recognised by the authorities, whereas at the same time objections against other tax destinations as art and culture or development cooperation would not be recognised.
They ask of the introducer whether he is of the opinion that conscientious objection against a military destination of tax money is more serious than conscientious objections against other destinations of tax money, and if this is not the case whether only consideration of expediency are the basis of this decision that he does not propose a general provision. They ask the introducer whether he is against a general provision on principle.
The MP's of the SGP are against a general provision, because such a provision could cause chaos in the administration, it could endanger the dirigibility of the country.
Further they asked about the attitude of the objectors at this moment whereas there is no provision for them at this time, whether they refuse paying part of their tax debt consistently or do they pay normally, perhaps under protest.
The MP's of the SGP wondered why in the bill the Peace Fund is brought under the rule of the Minister of Defence. They suggested that the Minister of Development Cooperation is more fit to do that, being the expenditure of the resources of the Peace Fund partly in the domain of Development Cooperation.
Regarding the research to the causes of international conflicts the MP's of the SGP wanted to know whether this is a task more suited to scientific institutes.
About projects in the domain of nonviolent conflict resolution these MP's asked for examples of succesful projects in this domain.
The MP's of the SGP ask in relation to this sort of expenditure of the Peace Fund and the fact that this fund has to be a part of the budget of the Department of Defence, whether this is not a budget policy consideration.
They ask finally whether the introducer is also of the opinion that the legislator has the budget right and that it cannot be the intention of the same legislator that a possible provision for conscientious objections in fact would restrict its budget right.
The G.P.V., the Reformed Political Alliance
The MP's of the GPV asked why only a provision for conscientious objectors against the military destination of tax money is proposed. They point out that there are also a lot of other clear, conscientious objections against other destinations of the collective resources. Abortion clinics are partly financed by the AWBZ-fund33. The premium of this fund is levied in the same way as the taxes. They ask whether recognition of this conscientious objection does not mean that also the other conscientious objectors have to be recognised.
The MP's of the GPV did not want to say with this comparison that the objections with regard to abortion are of the same sort.
The MP's of the GPV cannot see why the proposed provision would not create an unlimited precedent. These MP's ask whether conscientious objections can only be recognised when enough people have the same objections.
They suggest that it is an important characteristic of a conscientious objection that it is so individual. Does not the introducer give by implication a judgement about the different conscientious objections by proposing a provision for the one sort and not proposing a provision for the other sort?
The MP's of the GPV do not understand why the introducer does not want to incorporate an examination in his provision whereas he makes the distinction between the personal conscientious objection on the one hand and opinions of political, psychological or social nature on the other hand.
The presumption that the provision will not be abused, because the potential objector does not gain an advantage is not in refutation according to these MP's.
In the domain of the social insurances there is no advantage either and yet an examination is taking place34, why not in this bill?
In this question the said MP's overlook the fact that in the modified bill d.d. 1992 a verification procedure is introduced comparable with the procedure according to the social insurance acts.
The MP's of the GPV presume that good examination in the domain of this bill is not possible because in reality you cannot distinguish here between political and conscientious objections.
They state that a person objects to the use of violence by the Dutch authorities and he prefers the collective resources be used for peace research and development cooperation above military expenditure.
According to the MP's of the GPV these are quite clear political considerations. These MP's suggest that a person by paying for the general, collective resources is not obliged to act personally in support of the activities against which, one has the conscientious objections.
If somebody has really serious objections, then he also has to object to the payment of the indirect taxes, they think. They ask how the objectors can live with the fact that in a lot of ways one has to pay for the general resources out of which also the armed forces are paid.
These MP's state that provision is only made for a number of taxes, they ask therefore whether the conclusion has to be that the seriousness of the objections is less than one may expect, whether the proposed provision is only to pacify one's conscience and not for a real exemption. So far these MP's.
The MP's of the GPV also ask whether the international developments of the last four years did not lead to a diminishing of the need for such a provision.
They state that at the time of the introduction of the bill the introducers spoke about thousands of taxpayers who had expressed their conscientious objections against the military destination of tax money. These MP's ask whether they can suppose that this number has been diminished.
The MP's of the GPV want a better calculation and specification of the possible revenue. They want to know the amount with regard to the different taxes and the average amount paid by the taxpayer. They state that on the basis of these data the calculation of the possible revenue can be made.
They also ask for more information about the perception costs of the internal revenue service, about the management costs of the Peace Fund and the costs of the Advisory Council. How much will be left for the activities to be subsidised by the Fund? These MP's also ask whether the fact that the Fund also can give payments for the actual relief of the poorest people in the world is not somewhat comical with this background of management costs etc.
The MP's of the GPV mention the substitution effect and point out that this is an extra indication that political objections are involved, namely the want to accomplish a real change in the expenditure of the tax revenue. The legislator has to decide about this ultimately. These MP's ask whether the Peace Fund is not another way to realise partly what was not reached with the normal way of legislation. They ask whether this is not contrary to the principle of representative democracy.
The MP's of the GPV remark that the use of the power of the sword is a perogative of the authorities, therefore unique as essential for authority. For this reason it is very radical and far reaching to propose a provision which implicates that citizens get the possibility to withhold to the authorities the use of the power of the sword. Ultimately this could lead to the destruction of the most essential instrument of the authorities. In the light of this the provision is potentially a big threat for the authorities. The MP's of the GPV asked the introducer to investigate this problem.
With regard to the Advisory Council the MP's of the GPV had questions about the relation between the Minister of Defence and the Advisory Council and they asked whether it is intended that the Advisory Council will give detailed proposals to the minister about the expenditure of the resources of the Peace Fund, why the introducers opted for an Advisory Council of 17 members and from which parts of the population the members of the Advisory Council will be recruited.
Finally these MP's asked whether the members will take the seat in the Council à titre personnel or on recommendation by interested organisations.
1 This draft is made by Jurjen Pen and Theo de Roos, lawyers at Amsterdam.
2 See Wolfgang Kraus, 'Kriegssteuerverweigerung in der Geschichte' in: Wolfgang Kraus (edit.), 'Was gehört dem Kaiser?, das problem des Kriegssteuern', Weisenheim am Berg, Germany, 1984, page 22 and 23,
3 See 'Leven uit het innerlijk licht, getuigenissen van Quakers' compiled from the 'Book of Christian Discipline' of London Yearly Meeting, the compilation translated by Rob Limburg,Utrecht, Netherlands, 1952, page 239 to page 255.
See also 'The Quakers in Peace and War, an account of their peace principles and practice', by Margaret E.Hirst, London, England, 1923.
4 See for example 'In een bloedrode mist' of John Woolman (Original title: A journal of the life, gospel labours, and Christian experiences of that faithful minister of Jesus Christ, John Woolman, 1774), translation Jan van den Berg and Auke Jelsma, Zoetermeer, Netherlands, 1993.
5 See 'The Quaker Peace Testimony, 1660 to 1914' by Peter Brock, York, England, 1990, page 190.
7 See P.Brock,ibid., page 193.
8 See P.Brock, ibid., page 195.
9 See 'De wereld als werkplaats', over de vorming van Kees Boeke en Beatrice Cadbury, by Hans-Jan Kuipers, diss. University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, Netherlands, 1992, page 143. (The world as a workshop, about the education and life of Kees Boeke and Beatrice Cadbury)
10 See recommendations of the Oecumenical Assembly on Peace and Justice, 86.a , May 1989.
11 See the Final Document from the World Convocation on Justice, Peace and the Integrity of Creation, Seoul, Republic of Korea, March 1990, Affirmation VI.
12 The courts can directly apply article 9 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, Rome November 4 1950:
1.Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief, in worship, teaching, practice and observance.
2.Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs shall be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of public safety, for the protection of public order, health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.
and article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, New York December 19 1966:
1.Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.
2.No one shall be subject to coercion which would impair his freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice.
3.Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health, or morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others.
4.The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to have respect for the liberty of parents and, when applicable, legal guardians to ensure the religious and moral education of their children in conformity with their own convictions.
The articles 9 paragraph 2 of the Convention and 18 paragraph 3 of the Covenant are examples of restriction grounds.
13 Section 6 of the Dutch Constitution (de Grondwet voor het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, August 24 1815, Stb.45):
par.1 Everybody has the right to manifest freely his religion or his convictions, individually or in community with others, except for the responsibility of everybody for the law.
par.2 With regard to the exercise of this right outside buildings or private places, the law can fix regulations in view on the protection of the health, in the interest of the traffic and to combat or prevent disturbances.
14 See de Leerplichtwet, Stb.111, 1900 and f.i. also article 5 of the Act d.d. May 30 1968.
15 De Invaliditeitswet d.d. June 5 1913, Stb. 205. The regulation concerned is taken into effect December 4 1920. See further, inter alia, art.17 of the Coordination Social Insurances Act (Coordinatiewet Sociale Verzekering) and the Ministerial Directive d.d. December 22 1989, nr 89/7158, Stcrt.1989,252.
16 De Wet houdende voorzieningen tegen besmettelijke ziekten, act d.d. July 21 1928, Stb.265.
17 De Wet immunisatie militairen dd. August 7 1953, Stb.432.
18 De Wet aansprakelijkheidsverzekering motorrijtuigen d.d. May 30 1963, Stb.228
19 The exemption was regulated in the Misterial Directive (Economic Affairs),Stcrt. December 19 1974, nr 247.
20 Het Academisch Statuut, Order in Council d.d. June 23 1988, Stb.315.
21 De Winkelsluitingswet 1976, d.d.June 23 1976, Stb.367.
22 De Wet gewetensbezwaren militaire dienst, d.d. September 27 1962, Stb.370.
23 De Dienstweigeringswet 1923, d.d. July 13 1923, Stb. 357.
24 Art.1639s of the Burgerlijk Wetboek (Civil Code) has been modified with regard to the adopting of a provision for conscientious objections in labour relations by Act d.d. February 14 1994, Stb.134.
25 Voorstel van wet van de leden Beckers-de Bruijn en De Visser houdende regels betreffende belastingplichtigen, die onoverkomelijke gewetensbezwaren hebben tegen de militaire bestemming van belastinggelden (Wet gewetensbezwaren militaire bestemming belastinggelden), Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal (Second Chamber of parliament), 1988-1989 21 099
nr.1 Geleidende brief (introductory letter) d.d. April 6 1989
nr.2 Voorstel van wet (Bill)
nr.3 Memorie van Toelichting (Explanatory memorandum)
27 Advies Raad van State (Council of State) d.d. November 1 1989 no.W07.89.0325.
28 Voorstel van wet (voorstel van wet van het lid Beckers-de Bruijn houdende regels betreffende belastingplichtigen, die onoverkomelijke gewetensbezwaren hebben tegen de militaire bestemming van belastinggelden) zoals gewijzigd naar aanleiding van het advies van de Raad van State.
Gewijzigd voorstel (modified bill) d.d. May 6 1992 1991-1992 21 099 Nr.7
Memorie van toelichting zoals gewijzigd naar aanleiding van het advies van de Raad van State (explanatory memorandum modified with reference to the advice of the Council of State), 1991-1992 21 099 Nr.8.
29 See subchapter 4.1. article 9 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Rome November 4 1950) is mentioned there. Article 2 of this Convention prescribes:
Par.1 Everyone's right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally save in the execution of a sentence of a court following his conviction of a crime for which this penalty is provided by law.
Par.2 Deprivation of life shall not be regarded as inflicted in contravention of this Article when it results from the use of force which is no more than absolutely necessary:
a. in defence of any person from unlawful violence;
b. in order to effect a lawful arrest or prevent the escape of a person lawfully detained;
c. in action lawfully taken for the purpose of quelling a riot or insurrection.
30 See subchapter 4.1., art.18 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (New York December 19 1966) is mentioned there. Article 6 of this Covenant prescribes:
Par.1 Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.
Par.2 In countries which have not abolished the death penalty, sentence of death may be imposed only for the most serious crimes in accordance with the law in force at the time of the commission of the crime and not contrary to the provisions of the present Covenant and to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. This penalty can only be carried out pursuant to a final judgement rendered by a competent court.
Par.3 When deprivation of life constitutes the crime of genocide, it is understood that nothing in this article shall authorize any State Party to the present Covenant to derogate in any way from any obligation assumed under the provisions of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
Par.4 Anyone sentenced to death shall have the right to seek pardon or commutation of the sentence. Amnesty, pardon or commutation of the sentence of death may be granted in all cases.
Par.5 Sentence of death shall not be imposed for crimes committed by persons below eighteen years of age and shall not be carried out on pregnant women.
Par.6 Nothing in this article shall be invoked to delay or to prevent the abolition of capital punishment by any State Party to the present Covenant.
31 Voorlopig verslag van de vaste Commissies voor Defensie en Financiën van de Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal (Provisional report of the permanent committees for Defence and for Finance of the Second Chamber of parliament) d.d. September 24 1993 1993-1994 21 099 Nr.10. This report will be referred to hereafter as Provisional report d.d. September 24 1993.
32 Because of the division between direct and indirect taxes in the Dutch taxation system. An accomodation for conscientious objectors with regard to the indirect taxes is considered to be impossible.
33 The AWBZ-fund is a fund in the framework of the AWBZ, de Algemene Wet Bijzondere Ziektekosten (Stb.1967,655), the social insurance regulation with regard to the more extraordinary costs of health care.
34 See art. 4 par. 2 of the Regeling gemoedsbezwaren sociale verzekeringswetten (Regulation with regard to conscientious objections in the domain of the social insurance acts), Ministerial Directive d.d. 22 december 1989, nr 89/7158, Stcrt.1989,252.
Copyright and responsibility Erik Th.Hummels March 1996
Berkenlaan 14, 3707 BC Zeist, The Netherlands
tel.+31.30.6922057 and +31.2511224
telefax +31.30.2541786
internet: humwie @ knoware.nl
(wp 5.1 papereqn.ptc)
Main Page | More about CPTI | News about CPTI | CPTI Documents | Useful Addresses | Graphics Version
WTR/PTC Conferences | WTR/PTC Documents | International Declarations about CO
Conscience and Peace Tax International (CPTI) E-mail: [email protected]
This page was last updated 10 July 2000